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Join HRiC’s Key Stakeholder Advisory Group

HRiC is forming a global network of lawyers, researchers and advocates dedicated to improving maternity care - everywhere. Join us! Human Rights in Childbirth (HRiC) is developing a new strategy to inform our advocacy and strategic direction over the next three...

Terms of Reference: Key Stakeholder Advisory Group (KSAG)

Human Rights in Childbirth (HRiC) is developing a new strategy to inform our advocacy and strategic direction over the next three years. Our goal is to develop a sustainable network of key stakeholders in order to make full use of, and build on, our collective skills...

Forced Sterilisation during Caesarean and Informed Consent – the case of I.V. vs Bolivia

I.V. vs. Bolivia was the first time the Inter-American Court of Human Rights analysed the foundations of the right to informed consent.

Shared Decision Making in Maternity Care

In this article HRiC outlines its opinion on shared decision making and how it relates to human rights, specifically in maternity care.

Report on Rights Violations in Maternity Care During COVID-19

Since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, HRiC has been collecting reports of disproportionate human rights violations in maternity care. The first set of rights violations have been published in a report (available below) and sent to the United Nations. , The...

Contribute to our Second Report on Violations in Maternity Care during COVID-19

Help us document what is happening taken in maternity care services in your country - send us a submission by Friday, 10 July 2020.The COVID pandemic is having an enormous impact on maternity care around the world. Minute by minute, day by day, practices and norms are...

HRiC informs European Parliament Action on Maternity Care during COVID-19

HRiC has been working with a Member of European Parliament to bring light to some of the problems women throughout Europe and the world are facing in maternity care during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Report Rights Violations during COVID-19

Help us document what is happening taken in maternity care services in your country - send us a submission by Friday, 24 April.The COVID pandemic is having an enormous impact on maternity care around the world. Minute by minute, day by day, practices and norms are...

Midwifing Us Through the Epidemic

Now is the time to press our governments and policy makers to support midwifery care in communities as part of policies to address climate change or Green New Deals that are being prepared around the world – to make sure we are well-prepared for the next emergency or pandemic. We ignore midwifery models of care, essential midwifery skills, community and home birth at our peril – future generations will depend on them as part of crisis response.

Communications Volunteer Position

HRiC is seeking a communications volunteer – apply by 30 April 2019!

What does the Right to Privacy mean in maternal health?

What does the Right to Privacy mean in maternal health?

India has exceptional maternal health, regulatory and consumer laws to protect pregnant women, but to make this a reality for many women, there needs to be practical support, respect for, and recognition of, the human rights of pregnant women, including her right to privacy.

Human rights in childbirth do not stop with the right to informed consent and refusal. Informed consent is one of the many rights that need to be maintained in healthcare systems to ensure that care is truly respectable, safe and effective.

The right to privacy insists that the legal and healthcare framework supports healthcare choices without imposing moral judgments and preferences. More generally, the right to privacy protects a woman’s right to make personal decisions about sexuality and reproduction, without interference from the state.

For a pregnant woman, this means having the right to choose the where, how and with whom she gives birth.

Respecting the right to privacy personalizes maternity healthcare

Healthcare systems that truly support the right for women to make personal decisions about the circumstance in which she receives care and gives birth will develop and adapt birth options to suit women, as opposed to systems set up for the convenience of institutions and careproviders.

In maternity healthcare systems that uphold a woman’s right to privacy…

    • hospitals, birth centers, and homebirths are all legitimized by law and in the eyes of healthcare professionals;
    • women birthing in hospitals are adequately supported to give birth vaginally, but are not denied interventions if they are wanted or needed, nor are they forced or coerced into interventions if the mother doesn’t want them;
    • autonomously practising midwives can provide primary care to women as long as her pregnancy and childbirth remains uncomplicated (low-risk);
    • women can choose to give birth at home, knowing that she can have a skilled birth attendant attend her birth and that she will have meaningful backup support of emergency care without judgment;
    • a woman can legitimately choose to give birth without a skilled attendant or with a traditional birth attendant (not because of lack of access but because of preference).

In healthy maternity care systems, the diverse needs and preferences of women are both socially and legally respected and supported. Every mother is unique and will prefer unique circumstances to give birth in that feel best for her and the law and health care needs to recognize and support that.

So, does India have a healthy maternity care climate presently?

The legitimate range of birth choices for Indian women is very narrow.

These are the typical scenarios for the Indian women:

  • Women in cities can choose a private hospital birth with an obstetrician for a high financial cost. Even in private facilities, care is standardised and women are pushed to adhere to hospital systems over their own needs or preferences. In many private hospitals, women are driven to have caesarean sections for reasons that are not evidence-based, which in turn is driving up the cost of care and shifting the burden of poor care onto mothers.
  • Or they can also attend busy, over populated public hospitals where they will not be seen by a known care-provider. Women in remote rural areas can travel to the nearest government hospital/health center and wait in a very long line to access basic medicalized services. Resources are so limited that they may be waiting for hours before they see the doctor, they may have to share a stretcher with another labouring woman or they may be denied much needed medication.
  • Alternatively, they can stay at home to birth but there is a risk that this will be without the assistance of a skilled birth attendant or medical support if needed.

What is a professional autonomous midwife?

In India, an autonomously practising midwife does not have legal recognition. The only “professionally recognised midwives” in India are General Nurse Midwives (GNM)- these are hospital trained nurses who take an additional minimal amount of training to include midwifery in their care- or Auxilary Nurse Midwives (ANM)- health care workers in the primary and sub health centers who primarily deal with preventative infectious disease care and family planning services. They cannot and do not operate outside the hospital framework, nor do they provide primary care to pregnant and birthing women.

This is inconsistent with the definition of an autonomous midwife given by the International Congress of Midwives (ICM).

In substance, an autonomous midwife is a primary caregiver for a healthy pregnant woman with a low-risk pregnancy and birth. GNMs and ANMs are not trained to provide primary care to women. While hopes were higher for ANMs initially when training programs started in the 1950s, over the time their scope of work charged and at this point, “[h]er activities for maternal and child health are limited to distribution of iron folic acid tablets and immunization to mothers and children.” (1) GNMs and ANMs are trained to provide support services for women and require continuous supervision by, doctors and/or obstetricians. In the truest sense, they don’t live up to the definition of an autonomous midwife.

Autonomous midwifery and medical obstetrics are two separate professions.

Trained midwives can confidently support normal, non-complicated pregnancy and birth, and know when to refer a woman to an obstetrician for assessment of a suspected complication. Trained midwives dedicate the time, patience and knowledge to supporting a normal, healthy delivery and then continue to provide post-natal care and support for mother and baby. Midwives are not surgeons, they can not perform instrumental births (use forceps or a vacuum to assist birth) or perform cesarean sections.

Obstetricians, on the other hand, are surgeons. They are trained to look for problems, assess risk and diagnose complications. They assist women through complicated pregnancies and perform surgical interventions. Obstetricians can, but do not, provide post-natal support for mother and baby in areas such as breastfeeding, parenting, eating and sleeping issues, unless it requires medical intervention or diagnosis. This is an advisory service that trained midwives excel at providing and that mothers really value.

There are also traditional birth attendants, like the dai who practice midwifery but have never received state-based training and/or recognition. Dais usually learn from and hand down knowledge to each other in a form of an apprenticeship. Dais still attend a significant portion of births for women in remote areas. Dais are sometimes sought by urban-dwelling women who want to birth at home. Dais provide such a substantial portion of informal maternity care that they deserve recognition, support and integration into state-based systems.

Different professions, different approaches

When it boils down to it, midwives are “experts” in normal, vaginal and physiological birth. Obstetricians are experts in managing complications during childbirth and performing surgery. An Obstetrician’s skillset is focussed on seeking out problems and using those problems to escalate care until they decide there is a need to use interventions to manage birth and delivery. Look at the “Labor and Delivery” section from the textbook William’s Obstetrics. Of the almost 200 pages on labor and delivery, only about 35 of those pages are dedicated to “normal labor and delivery” with an additional 15 pages about assessments (many of which are often interventions in themselves).

An obstetrician’s speciality is in managing an “abnormal birth” or birth that requires medical management or interventions in order to to ensure a good outcome. This is an important role, but should be confined to those in need. With proper care and management during pregnancy, the majority of births can be uncomplicated.

If, on the other hand, we look at training for autonomous midwives, their focus is on supporting normal, non-medicalized childbirth and on preparing a mother for labour, delivery and parenthood. The books student midwives read are not obstetrics books. Some of the content in obstetric textbooks and midwifery textbooks undoubtedly overlap, but midwifery books focus on supporting women through low-risk, normal pregnancies and birth. Autonomously practising midwives in other countries tend to have high rates of vaginal births, much greater success with VBACs (vaginal birth after cesarean) and with promoting breastfeeding.

In the US, part of the requirement to become a Certified Professional Midwife, students have to attend a minimum of 55 normal births, both in hospitals and out-of-hospitals. This means, the midwife is specialized in supporting vaginal birth in a variety of settings in the USA.

Why India needs midwives

In India, obstetricians have been put in charge of all pregnancy and birth. Difficulties arise with shortages of doctors and overemphasis on the medical supplies and technology. Staff respond to the institutional shortages by aggressively implementing standardised interventions or abusive processes that are not evidence based and detrimental to the health of mother and baby.  

One result is the now familiar complaint about skyrocketing intervention and cesarean rates. Also, medicalization of birth has strongly influenced social beliefs about birth such that the value and significance of normal birth to women’s and families’ health and wellbeing has been degraded, not just in healthcare settings, but also by pregnant women and/or their families.

Midwifery model of care for low risk pregnancies reduces the likelihood of women using epidurals, receiving episiotomies, having instrumental births and/or cesarean sections as well as increased rates of spontaneous vaginal birth and rates of breastfeeding (2). This means less need for ever-present medical personnel, less need for medical supplies and, ultimately, freeing up the financial resources needed to hire more staff!

While we need obstetricians and nurses, the women of India are starting to recognise that midwifery is an essential component of supporting the right to choice and making the birth climate healthier. GNM or ANMs alone cannot offer the midwifery model of care under which midwives autonomously provide non-interventionist, evidence-based, collaborative, continuous and culturally sensitive care in a holistic and respectful way.

In England there is a saying “Don’t throw the baby out with the bathwater.” The fight to reduce the maternal mortality rates in India cannot be at the expense of her rights and options so that the healthcare system controls her body, not her.

Foreign midwife and speaker in the upcoming HRiC Conference Lina Duncan believes that the heritage, intuitive knowledge, traditions and practices of the dais could enhance childbirth in India once again. According to her, “If only we could create a system that utilises best practice and a mutual respect for the medical, traditional and midwifery model of care, we could be onto a win-win method to not only save lives but also reduce maternal and neonatal mortality.”

We have seen glimpses of culturally attuned healthcare empowerment in India, like Dr. Abhay and Rani Bang’s SEARCH Foundation or Janet Chawla’s Matrika foundation, though there must be many others that probably are not so well known.

A last word

The right to privacy is about respecting women’s choices over her careprovider, her place of birth and how she gives birth. A thriving maternity healthcare system will support and respect the options that women make in pregnancy and childbirth.

Can India achieve the same? Can India diversify its legitimate settings of care to implement human rights in childbirth? Let’s collaborate to make it happen!

Come to the Human Rights in Childbirth Conference in Mumbai this February to discuss how we can, together, make pregnancy and birth better for all women!

(1) Mavalankar D, Vora K. 2010. The Changing Role of Auxiliary Nurse Midwife (ANM) in India: Implications for Maternal and Child Health (MCH). INDIAN INSTITUTE OF MANAGEMENT AHMEDABAD.

(2) Hatem M, Sandall J, Devane D, Soltani H, Gates S. 2008. Midwife-led versus other models of care for childbearing women. Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews. Issue 4. Art. No.: CD004667.

Learn more, say more and make birth better by attending the Human Rights in Childbirth Conference in Mumbai, India.

Sign this petition to make it mandatory that Indian hospitals declare their c-section rates!

Feeling safe and Being Safe during Labour and Birth

Human beings, like all mammals, need to feel safe in order to give birth.  Childbirth as a physiological process is powered by hormones, and those hormones are strongly affected by the birthing women’s emotions, which are in turn affected by her perception of whether she is giving birth in a safe environment.  What women need to feel safe will vary from individual to individual, and across cultures as well. Some women will need to feel safe laboring naked; some need to be covered to feel safe. Some feel safe in a space where they can be very quiet and peaceful, some need to be able to move, dance, sing or scream.  Some women will need their mother with them to feel safe, some will need their man. There is no reason why maternity care cannot be constructed in a way that meets each woman’s needs to feel safe during birth. And yet, in many systems around the world, women must sacrifice feeling safe, and even being safe, in order to access the safety that medical backup provides.  Widespread reports of disrespect and abuse, dehumanized, traumatizing treatment, and violations of women’s rights to privacy and dignity show that women are giving birth in environments in which they cannot feel safe, because in fact, they are not safe.

The recognition of preventable maternal mortality as a human rights issue was a huge step for women’s sexual and reproductive health and rights.   But when we only recognize the right to survive as important for childbirth, the violation of women’s other human rights is rendered invisible. Women in both the developing and developed world are organizing to speak out about systems of care that dehumanize and traumatize them at their moment of greatest vulnerability. They are demanding recognition of their rights—not only to access healthcare and to survive childbirth, but their rights to autonomy as informed consent and refusal, to privacy, to dignity, to non-violent and non-discriminatory treatment in labor and birth.  The human rights framework takes women beyond asking providers to please give them individualized, non-violent care, but requires the state to enforce women’s human rights as legal rights that must be respected in policy and practice. In some nations, women’s groups have passed laws naming the abuse of women in childbirth as obstetric violence, and brought legal actions that described their experiences in those terms. It is notable that the systems of care in which women are passing laws against obstetric violence are those with some of the world’s highest cesarean section rates, like Central and South America.

The global cesarean section pandemic is, in itself, a form of obstetric violence.  In many cities and nations in both the developed and developing world, women who can access care are churned through cesarean section assembly lines, while women from marginalized communities in the same nation are left to die preventable deaths.  Is this equity? Media reports on the cesarean pandemic often claim that women want all these surgeries. Studies show, that’s not true. Women want a healthy birth, and they want to know that the medical system will meet them at their need, and have surgery available if they need it, but support them in a vaginal birth if they don’t.  Economic studies all over the world connect providers’ financial and time-convenience incentives to the massive increase in surgical deliveries. The money that healthcare systems are wasting on the surgical delivery of healthy babies from healthy women could be directed toward underserved women and closing gaps in women’s reproductive health.

The disrespect and abuse of women in childbirth, and the generation of children being born by surgery, are not soft human rights issues.  The right to respectful, non-violent support in childbirth is not the request for a “positive birth experience.” Framing these issues in terms of “birth experience” runs the risk of trivializing them, and creating a false dichotomy between the “experience” of care, versus health and safety.  The issues that we are talking about here are, in fact, about health and safety, and are a matter of life and death.

As the cesarean section rate passes 50% and approaches 100% in many facilities around the world, the global movement for women’s health and rights needs to ask, when are we going to stand up and say, no more?  Why are we letting this happen to ourselves and our babies? Why are we letting this happen to each other? What would maternity care look like if it recognized not only women’s right to survive childbirth, but the full spectrum of human rights that every woman has, and that she carries into labor and birth?  What would it look like if every woman could feel safe, and be safe, while she brought her baby into the world?

Human Rights in Childbirth founder and executive director Hermine Hayes-Klein gave this speech at Women Deliver 2016, on a panel session titled “Compassionate and People-Centered Care: Why We Need It.”  The session’s subtitle: “Respectful maternity care is a woman’s right, not a luxury. Ensuring that women are not only satisfied with their care but have a positive birth experience can be the catalyst to ensuring they survive and thrive.”

Courage and Insanity, from Suffrage to Childbirth

Courage and Insanity, from Suffrage to Childbirth

by Hermine Hayes-Klein

Today every American citizen will have the opportunity to vote in the federal election. The fact that this right extends to the female half of the American population is the product of the life-long efforts of a “small group of thoughtful and committed citizens” over several generations. The struggle that ended with the 19th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution granting women the right to vote holds lessons for any movement that aims to secure women’s rights, including the movement to secure woman-centered care for every woman in pregnancy and childbirth.

Over two days in the summer of 1848, around 300 people gathered for a human rights conference. The Seneca Falls Convention was a grass-roots women’s rights conference organized by a small group of feminist Quakers and a scholar of law, Elizabeth Cady Stanton. The organizers of the event articulated their concerns and demands in the brilliant Declaration of Sentiments. In the Declaration’s list of unacceptable sex inequalities, Stanton included the denial of the franchise, or the right to vote, to women. Even Lucretia Mott, a radical feminist and conference co-organizer, objected, “But Lizzie, thee will make us ridiculous!” Stanton would not budge, and the demand for the vote remained in. As Mott predicted, the clause regarding the franchise was the most controversial and divisive topic under discussion at the conference, and led to ridicule and condemnation in the press. Stanton was unconcerned, believing that, for a cause as radical and revolutionary as fundamental rights for women, there is no such thing as bad publicity.

Stanton’s good friend Susan B. Anthony spent the majority of her life trudging door to door, in those long skirts of the 19th century, in all weather, asking women to sign petitions demanding the right to vote. Most of the time, she recounted later, she was turned away; the women could say, “I have all the rights I need,” and their husbands would add, “Yes, she has all the rights she needs. Now get off my property.”

The right to vote was not secured before the deaths of either Stanton or Anthony, and the torch passed to another generation. Alice Paul, Lucy Burns and another small group of American women fought for the right to vote while Emmeline Pankhurst and a small group of British women fought for it in England. These women were not only ridiculed and vilified; they were jailed, beaten, and tortured. (The work of Paul and Burns is dramatized in the 2004 movie Iron Jawed Angels.)

When Alice Paul was in jail, she staged a hunger strike, at which point she was put in a straight jacket and fed raw eggs through a tube down her throat until she vomited blood. She was then transferred to a sanitorium, and a psychiatrist was brought in to examine her and confirm her prosecutors’ claim that she was insane and should be permanently institutionalized. The doctor who examined her reported that she was not only sane, but she was strong, and brave. He is quoted as having added, “Courage in women is often mistaken for insanity.” Paul’s courage led to a public outcry against the mistreatment of the “suffragettes,” which in turn contributed to the passage of the 19th Amendment (by one vote!). The long struggle for the female vote holds many lessons for the movement, now uniting around the world, to demand respect for women’s fundamental rights in childbirth.

Radical paradigm shifts take time, and require patience and persistence on the part of those who pursue them. The right to vote took several generations to secure. The work begun by Ina May Gaskin’s generation is being picked up and carried forward by my own. Ina May’s generation reinvented American midwifery and rediscovered the basic physiology of childbirth. And still, 35 years after the publication of Spiritual Midwifery, the cesarean rate skyrockets, maternal mortality rises, and the right to give birth outside of the medical institution is not secure. And so we see the rise of a movement, women picketing across the U.S., marching in the streets of South America, going to court in Europe, and opening birth centers in India, the movement that organized 1000 screenings of Freedom for Birth on September 20th.

The struggle for suffrage, and the struggles for each and every right that women have secured over the last 150 years, show us that you don’t wait for popular opinion to demand your rights. Otherwise you could wait for another 5000 years. Every time a new set of rights has been secured for women, from the right to vote, through the right to higher education, to the right to work without sexual harassment, the majority of women declared themselves unconcerned with the right at stake and unwilling to agitate for it. Once a small group of committed radicals secured each right on behalf of all women, the tides of public opinion could turn. How many women today would say that women shouldn’t have the right to vote or go to college? But if you were one of the women fighting for these rights when women didn’t have them, your opinions would have been unpopular. You would have had to go to some kind of meeting to connect with the other women who thought the issue mattered at all. The right to vote, like women’s other rights, was secured by the tiny minority ready to step forward and claim that right on behalf of all women.

But who are these few, the women who step up and demand the rights that their society, and its history, deny that they deserve? They are the Stantons, the Anthonys, the Pauls, the Burnses, and all the women whose names we don’t know, but whose work has secured the liberty that American women enjoy today. They have been strong, and brave.

“Courage in women is often mistaken for insanity.” How much courage does it take for a woman to acknowledge that birth matters, and to step off the traveled path and seek out the care that she, personally, needs for childbirth? How much courage does it take a woman to do so without the support of friends, family, and even partner? It takes courage to speak up when somebody is talking down to you, to request information about your choices when somebody can’t seem to imagine that you would do anything but obey. It takes courage to say, “No.” Especially when you’re in labor.

Almost a century after Alice Paul was strait-jacketed, courage in women is still mistaken for insanity. When women demand recognition for their rights of authority and autonomy in childbirth, they meet two common reactions: they are accused of caring more for themselves than their babies, and they are accused of insanity. I think of Karen in the Netherlands, who found the courage to deliver her twin daughters at home, when her local hospital refused to support her in a physiological birth. “I knew, somehow, that my body could birth the twins if it had a chance,” she told me. “They wouldn’t give it a chance at the hospital. They wanted a dozen people in the room, and machines stuck to my belly and my vagina, and they itched to cut the babies out. I live three minutes from the hospital, so I decided to give myself a chance to birth them at home, with a midwife.” Her babies were born in less than two hours, with no pain, into her own hands and her husbands’. When authorities discovered what had happened later that day, Karen and the twins were bullied into coming into the hospital for examination. Although Karen and her babies were healthy, she was indeed examined: for 5 days, she was visited at her hospital bed by psychiatrists and child protective services. She spent months fending off the threat that her twins could be taken away.

I think of Daniela in Italy, who sought far and wide during pregnancy for a provider who wouldn’t cut an episiotomy. She was promised that the hospital where she would deliver would respect her insistence that an episiotomy not be cut. She told every single provider that she spoke with, during pregnancy and then during her labor at the hospital, that under no circumstances did she want an episiotomy. She told this more than once to the doctor who ended up between her legs while her baby came out. When the baby was crowning, that doctor reached for scissors and started cutting an episiotomy. Daniela screamed “No!” from the depths of her soul. The doctor looked up, hesitated, and then cut a long, deep episiotomy.

When medical staff visited her bed after the birth, Daniela was deeply upset. She felt profoundly violated and traumatized. She spoke up, loudly, about what had happened and stated that her legal and human rights had been violated. The obstetricians called the psychiatrists, who came to suggest that, in her state, she might pose a danger to her newborn child. After she left the hospital, Daniela was visited twice at her home by psychiatrists, without an invitation. On top of the trauma of the episiotomy was added this violation of her safe space, her home, and the need to then convince these psychiatrists that they need not involve child protective services and take away her new baby.

And there is, of course, the case of V.M. in New Jersey. V.M. found the courage to read the forms she was given to sign when she arrived to give birth in a hospital with a 50% cesarean rate. She was asked to sign advance authorization for anything that might be done to her body once she entered the institution. She read the list of interventions that she was asked to accept on arrival, and signed that she would let them run an IV line into her vein and strap her belly to an electronic fetal monitor; she consented to oxygen, an epidural, and – yes- she gave advance consent to an episiotomy. She did not sign away her consent for cesarean section and to have a screw inserted up her vagina and into her baby’s scalp. Hospital staff surrounded her, in labor, to ask why she wouldn’t sign the form and whether she cared about her unborn baby. They “explained the potentially dire circumstances” that can occur in a birth, and an ob-gyn came to discuss “brain damage, mental retardation, and fetal death.” (These quotes all come from the court opinion linked above.) Bear in mind that there was no medical emergency occurring in the labor; the staff simply wouldn’t accept that V.M. might not pre-authorize anything they might choose to do to her and her baby. When V.M. refused to complete the form, she was described as “irrational” and “combative” in her file, and the hospital sent in psychiatrists. One of them interviewed her for an hour, while her labor progressed. “While Dr. Kurani was there, the anesthesiologist was able to administer an epidural.” The second psychiatrist interviewed her while the baby was actually being born. “Before Dr. Jacoby’s evaluation was completed, V.M. gave birth vaginally to J.M.G. without incident.” The psychiatrists reported that, although she seemed sane and reasonable, she had admitted to having experienced a trauma years before, seen a psychiatrist, and taken anti-depressants, which she stopped taking when she became pregnant. They claimed that this past, combined with her “irrational” behavior around the consent form, raised a question of her parental competence. Her baby was taken away after the birth. Four years later, she still hadn’t received the child back. I don’t know if she ever did.

It took courage for Karen to trust her own relationship with her body over the medical system’s concept of it, and to choose circumstances for the birth of her twins that would allow her body to do its work. It took courage for Daniela to stand up against the butcher who slashed her perineum, to say “No! You may not cut a woman against her will!” It took courage for V.M. to exercise her right to consent to surgery only if that surgery was actually necessary, to stand up, while in labor, for this fundamental right in the face of a dehumanized bureaucracy of doctors, nurses, and psychiatrists.

Brazilian women take to the streets fighting for their Human Rights in Childbirth.

If the worst that could happen to Alice Paul was institutionalization, the worst that can happen to a birthing woman is to have her baby taken away. That is what happened to V.M. That was the threat underlying the accusations of insanity thrown at Karen and Daniela. Just as we remember the courage of those whose actions so radically transformed the legal status of women over the last two centuries, we should recognize the courage that we see around us in the women who stand up for their bodies and their babies in a broken birth care system. And we must defend these women, and their babies, from the psychiatrists and social workers unleashed upon them for finding that courage.

Two months after Alice Paul’s hunger strike, President Woodrow Wilson urged the U.S. Senate to pass a constitutional amendment granting women the right to vote. He called on the Senate to do “this thing that is mere justice,” in the name of America’s success in the world war. “The tasks of the women lie at the very heart of the war, and I know how much stronger that heart will beat if you do this just thing and show our women that you trust them as much as you in fact and of necessity depend upon them.”

Almost 95 years later, the women who Stanton and Paul worked so hard to empower have turned our attention to the task of childbirth. And we ask no more than Wilson asked the Senate, for mere justice: that those who wish to ensure a safe and healthy birth for every baby recognize that the person with the authority and responsibility to choose what is needed for each birth is the birthing woman herself. How true for motherhood are the words that Wilson used for war: “show our women that you trust them as much as you in fact and of necessity depend upon them.”

This article was originally published at Orgasmic Birth.